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05/23/16

Lincoln and Secession

61st New York Infantry-Lincoln and SecessionAbraham Lincoln is considered one of the two or three best Presidents that the United States has ever had. But like most Presidents he had to learn the job as he went along. And quite honestly, his early decisions on the conduct of the war and who would lead his armies were mostly abysmal. In this post we’ll look at how his call for troops from the states pushed Virginia, North Carolina and Tennessee into secession.

Lincoln’s initial strategy of a call for troops precipitated a number of Southern state legislatures to reverse their initial rejections of secession and join the Confederacy. Virginia, North Carolina and Tennessee were three states that teetered on the secession issue.

The Virginia Convention of 1861 convened on February 13, 1861 to consider whether Virginia should secede from the United States. Its 152 delegates, a majority of whom were Unionist, had been elected at the behest of the Virginia General Assembly, which also directed that their decision be ratified by a statewide referendum.

Virginia hesitated, and debate raged on for months. On April 4, secessionists badly lost a vote but prepared for the possibility of war nevertheless. Former Virginia governor Henry A. Wise worked behind the scenes and outside the legal process to secure the federal arsenal at Harpers Ferry by military means, a move that prompted a furious objection from Unionist delegate John Baldwin of Staunton. After the fall of Fort Sumter on April 13 and Lincoln’s call for 75,000 volunteers on April 15, the momentum turned toward secession, and the convention voted on April 17 to leave the Union. Virginians expressed their agreement at the polls on May 23.

Non-slaveholding yeoman farmers made up a majority of the North Carolina population and constituted the core of the Unionist strength. They were disinclined to secede or fight for the preservation of slavery. Also, the Whig Party, which had disintegrated as a national party by 1860, still had a strong following. Whig leaders comprised the bulk of the unconditional Unionist leadership. Other Whigs and conservative Democrats advocated a “watch and wait” policy while maintaining that secession was a fundamental right of each state. The counties in the west, northeast, and Piedmont were areas of Unionist sentiment.

Democrats like Governor John W. Ellis, Senator Clingman, Congressman Thomas Ruffin, and former congressman William S. Ashe led the secessionists. The main areas of secessionist strength were the coastal counties with large slave populations and the counties that bordered South Carolina, especially Mecklenburg. Lincoln’s election prompted this group to launch local secession meetings. The first meeting was held in Cleveland County on 12 Nov. 1860, the second in New Hanover on 19 November. A series of similar gatherings were held across the state. The movement was given a boost by the secession of South Carolina on 20 Dec. 1860.

On 29 Jan. 1861 the General Assembly agreed to put the convention question to the people on 28 February. The legislature also voted to send delegates to the Washington Peace Conference on 4 February.

The convention campaign was vigorously waged. The Unionists were able to set the terms of the debate early, focusing on the question of “Union or Disunion.” Secessionist attempts to redefine the campaign based on southern self-defense failed.

The Unionists carried the northeastern counties and most of the Piedmont and Mountains. They defeated the secessionists by a vote of 47,323 to 46,672. The delegate elections are more indicative of actual sentiment. Only about a third of the 120 delegates elected were secessionists. The Unionists were helped by positive news from the Peace Conference the day before the election. The debate in the campaign had been injurious to the secessionist cause. On 4 March, a few days after the vote, Lincoln gave his inaugural address, which struck some as conciliatory.

The secessionists did not give up, however. On 22-23 Mar. 1861 delegates from 25 counties assembled in Goldsboro and organized the Southern Rights Party. They urged the legislature to call a convention and demanded that the state join the Confederacy. They posed the new debate in terms of South against North. Despite numerous meetings, by early April North Carolina seemed no nearer to secession than it had been in February.

Then came the news that Confederate forces had bombarded Fort Sumter in Charleston Harbor on 12 April, followed on 15 April by Lincoln’s call for 75,000 troops. Governor Ellis responded, “You can get no troops from North Carolina.” Zebulon Vance was pleading for the Union with his arm upraised when word arrived of Lincoln’s summons. “When my hand came down from that impassioned gesticulation,” he recalled, “it fell slowly and sadly by the side of a secessionist.”

Ellis called a special session of the legislature for 1 May and immediately ordered the seizure of Federal property. When the General Assembly met, it voted for a delegate election on 13 May to an unrestricted convention to meet in Raleigh on 20 May, the anniversary of the so-called Mecklenburg Declaration of Independence. The campaign for the convention was characterized by resignation rather than enthusiasm. Both Unionists and secessionists spoke of the need to act in the face of northern aggression. The major debate-whether North Carolina should separate based on “the right of revolution,” as some Unionists advocated, or on the Calhounian doctrine of secession-was over. The radical secessionists favored the latter position.

A total of 122 Democratic and Whig delegates, 108 of whom were native North Carolinians, gathered on 20 May 1861. The delegates held an average of 30.5 slaves each, with the median being 21, which meant that over one-half of the delegates belonged to the small planter class. Sixty-eight delegates had attended college, making them far better educated than those who had elected them. The average personal and real property per delegate was valued at $61,817, placing them among the wealthy citizens of the state.

The convention elected Weldon N. Edwards, a Democratic planter from Warren County, as president. (Edwards defeated William A. Graham of Orange County.) Edwards gave a speech denouncing continued connection with the “Black Republican Union.”

Onetime Unionist George E. Badger introduced a resolution for separation from the Union based on the right of revolution. An alternate ordinance, simply dissolving the Union and representing the radical position, was proposed by Burton Craige of Rowan County. The Badger proposal was defeated by a vote of 72 to 40. An attempt to modify the Craige ordinance failed. The convention then unanimously passed the ordinance of secession and voted to accept the provisional Constitution of the Confederate States of America. As requested by Governor Ellis, the convention agreed not to put the secession ordinance to a popular vote. On 21 May 1861 the ordinance was signed and President Jefferson Davis proclaimed North Carolina a Confederate state.

Tennessee was the last state to secede from the Union. Tennessee was a complicated state. Like its neighbor Virginia, it was profoundly divided over the issue of secession, with its mountainous eastern section deeply opposed to the idea. They weren’t alone: A special election on Feb. 9 revealed the political gulf between Governor Isham Harris and the people of the state: On the same day that Mississippi left the Union, the voters of Tennessee voted 80 percent against secession.

By the time of Lincoln’s inauguration in March, nothing short of a repudiation of the 1860 Republican platform would satisfy the state’s fire-eaters. The two sides, Unionist and secessionist, stood at a stalemate until the bombardment of Ft. Sumter in early April. While some favored immediate secession, others held that secession was unconstitutional. A larger number futilely hoped for some sort of settlement based on a constitutional compromise regarding the “question of negro slavery.” Even after the outbreak of war, Tennessee, like Missouri and Kentucky to its north, hoped that it could remain neutral.

That changed with Lincoln’s April 15 call for the states to send 75,000 troops to fight the Confederacy. If the federal government was going to “coerce” the seceded states into returning, Tennessee had no choice but to join its Southern neighbors. “Tennessee will not furnish a single man for purposes of coercion but 50,000 if necessary for the defense of our rights and those of our Southern brothers,” wrote Harris in response to Lincoln’s request. The legislature (with 32 percent of the House and 16 percent of the Senate dissenting) voted on May 6 to join her “Southern brothers.”

Unlike every other state to join the Confederacy with the exception of Texas and Virginia, however, the legislators insisted that the public ratify their decision. While the state government prepared for secession and war following the vote for secession, Tennessee was technically not yet a member of the separatist government. But on June 8, by a two-to-one majority, Tennessee’s electorate confirmed the General Assembly’s verdict. The Volunteer State thus became the last to secede.

09/12/14

South Carolina Unionists

This entry is part 14 of 14 in the series The Divided States of the South

The Union is in danger posterIn 1860, South Carolina ‘unionists’ believed in unionism as a matter of policy and not of principle. In other words, they saw it as a vehicle to continue to maintain the Union in order to rule the Union.

The South had held the upper hand in the governance of the United States for several reasons. There was an absolute solidarity among the Southerners in the Congress. Every so-called compromise had been devised to assuage Southern beliefs on the issue of slavery. Threats of secession and nullification kept their northern adversaries on edge.

The counting of slaves as 3/5th of whites allowed the South to maintain a numerical advantage in the House of Representatives from the very beginning of the Republic.

The measure of the South’s actual power can be seen in the office of the Presidency. Of the first fifteen Presidents seven were from the South while two more were born in the South. Seven of the fifteen were born in Virginia. This southernness gave the southern Presidents a sense that the South was right about slavery. They tended to favor their native region on national policy issues.

In fact, during the years leading up to the 1860 Presidential election the radical secessionists in South Carolina led by Robert Barnwell Rhett had lost their ascendancy to a union of National Democrats and co-operationists. This party held that the dominance of the South in the national government could only be maintained by the Democratic Party. They also believed that the South would not be ruined economically by the continuation of the Union.

The secessionists continued to attempt to split the Democratic Party. By doing so they believed that the upcoming Presidential election would be won by the Republican candidate, Abraham Lincoln, and precipitate a split in the Union. But the majority of South Carolinians were in favor of a candidate who would be agreeable to both wings of the Democratic Party. This would assure a victory for the party and continued dominance of the South on the national stage.

But the South Carolina state convention after beating back the Alabama proposal to withdraw from the national convention inexplicably sent sixteen delegates to the Charleston convention without instructions. Succumbing to pressure from both the secessionists and telegrams from South Carolina’ Congressional representatives, thirteen of the sixteen voted to withdraw from the national convention. The stampede had begun.

Over the following weeks the radicals gained the upper hand in South Carolina. The state convention was totally controlled by the radicals. After the election of Robert Rhett as their leader the conservatives withdrew allowing the radicals to fill the delegation with like-mined individuals. The Richmond convention nominated John C. Breckinridge of Kentucky who was the sitting Vice President. The South Carolinians vowed to campaign for the continuation of a ‘Constitutional Union’.

As Lincoln’s strength began to grow serious discussions took place among politicians in South Carolina. Voices in South Carolina began to be heard for dissolution of the Union in the event of a Republican victory. Meanwhile, the conservatives began to argue that the state should not go it alone but only in concert with the other Southern states.

As election day approached South Carolina teetered on the edge. The secessionists attempted to win the majority of Presidential electors while the conservatives still held the upper hand in Charleston and the Upper Districts along the South Carolina-North Carolina border. Lincoln’s election ignited the desire of the secessionists for a state convention to discussion secession. The conservatives attempted to stem the emotional tide by calling for delay.

The event that precipitated the calling of the secession conventions appears to be the resignation of A.G. McGrath as United States District Court Judge who announced that he was preparing to obey the wishes of his state. This news caused the wildest excitement in Charleston and Columbia. Once it appeared that Georgia was prepared to join South Carolina the convention was pushed up by a month to December 6th.

The delegates to the South Carolina were considered to be the best men that the state had: ex-governors, members of the bench, clergy, congressmen and businessmen. These were men of moderation and thoughtfulness who had the confidence of the people.

The convention was originally slated to meet in Columbia but the threat of a smallpox epidemic had many calling for a move to Charleston. On December 17th the convention voted to adjourn and meet in Charleston. But speeches by commissioners from Alabama and Mississippi urging the immediate secession of South Carolina changed the delegate’s minds. They voted for immediate secession and appointed a committee to draw up the ordinance of secession. Three days later the delegates met in Charleston and signed the fatal document of secession.

Something like 23% of South Carolina’s white men would serve in the Confederate Army and state militia. Among Union troops not a single South Carolinian can be identified. South Carolina is the only state of the South to have that distinction. Five regiments of African-Americans were raised in the state after the Union Army occupied the coastal areas.